They were for the most part either killed in battle, or reduced to serfdom or else to the status of the free commoners.
Curved daggers such as these are trademark weapons of the East. The roofs were either of straw or of reeds, while a ditch and palisade defended the house on its most exposed side. As a general rule, these houses were built on a promontory situated near a river or a lake and easy to defend on the land side. The people burned their dead and buried the ashes either in the neighborhood of the village or under the actual houses in the village itself.
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The number of dwellings cannot have been more than a hundred or so. It would be out of place to speak of streets, for all we find are narrow and irregular passages between the houses. This latter comprises one or more square towers, with walls of as much as nine feet in thickness.
In the Transylvanian Bronze age, there were bronze, copper, and gold axes used. Unique to Dacia, as opposed to the West and in particular the Celts, were curved knives and swords, shaped like scythes, obviously of Scythian origin.
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Dacian religion remained northern in character despite the Celtic influences. Their religion remains aniconic and their supreme god is still the sole master of the clouded sky whom they worship in caves or on high mountain peaks. Aniconically represented, that is without zoomorphic or anthropomorphic imagery, but rather mathematical and geometric shapes, the Dacian deity more closely resembled a Scythian deity rather than those of the Celts.
Nevertheless, like other lands of the region that underwent Hellinization, many of the Greek gods were worshiped at later periods, soon to be supplanted by Roman ones, such as the cult of Cybele. After Burebista's aiding in the conspiracy against Julius Caesar, who was also assassinated through conspiracy at a later date , the exorbitant tributes Decebalus, the last of the Dacian kings exacted from the Roman Empire, as well as the many forts and growing army of Dacia, raised the fear and ire of Emperor Trajan of Rome.
The first. The second. Dacia had already been a subject of Rome since the reign of Claudius around 46 A. Even after Trajan's death in A.
Dacia adopted the Latin language and became one of Rome's strongest territories. By A.
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Aurelius recalled the legions and officials that had run Dacia under Roman rule, leaving Dacia to run itself. Around this time Rome was in dire trouble trying to fight back its own invaders from the north. Perhaps Rome also trusted in the thorough Latinization of the Dacian lands, leaving them to their own devices.
The Latin Dacians that survived would be the ancestors of today's Romanians, a people who's language is considered by some to be one of the closest linguistically with Latin, with a mixture of Slavic etymology. Coupled with this theory is the notion that modern Romanians are not in fact the descendants of Dacian peoples. Seisanu's argument against this theory stresses the hypothesis that Roman military did not abandon the Dacian territories out of fear of the barbarians that were to invade Dacia, but in order concentrate its efforts on Rome itself, in urgent need of fortification in the face of its own barbarian invasions.
It is barely possible that some of the inhabitants of the cities might have been able to follow the legions across the Danube. But the peasants attached to the land of their ancestors certainly remained where they were, whatever the conditions of existence may have been and however insecure may have been the country, exposed as it was to the barbarian invasions.
In light of these theories, the question can be raised: could Dacia be considered an empire? And furthermore: in what ways?
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Mining Ferro-Alloy Resources anticipating significant step-up in Editor's picks. Like Hasdeu, Eminescu invoked Dacians and Romans alike with equal pride. His Dacia is imagined as a primordial, ahistorical world, expressive, like his other incursions into the past, of an ideal of regression and the nostalgia of beginnings still under the sign of the golden age. Published in , it was the first synthesis in Romanian historiography concerned with the history and civilization of the Dacians.
It was a formula which seemed closer to the truth but which in fact turned out to be more fragile and unstable than the exclusive affirmation of one or other of the component elements. The stress would always fall on either the first or the second term of the expression. Who was greater: Trajan or Decebalus? In which of them do we primarily recognize ourselves?
Such questions may seem puerile, but in mythology nothing is puerile; everything is invested with meaning. Among those who proved unwilling to grant the Dacians more than was absolutely necessary we even find the author of Dacia before the Romans. In his textbook on the history of the Romanians, Tocilescu observes that after the wars with the Romans Dacia was left almost without inhabitants. The phenomenon that took place was not a simple process of Romanization, as in France and Spain, but a massive Roman colonization, in which various provinces took part Italy to a lesser extent.
Dacians entered into the synthesis too, the historian recognizes, but on a limited scale. The opinion that the Daco-Romans are to be seen more as Romanized Dacians is not confirmed by the historical sources. The Dacians remained in the non-colonized parts, as a population distinct from the Roman population and often actually hostile to the empire, until the end of Roman domination, only to disappear then in the wave of invaders.
Xenopol assembles a number of proofs and arguments in support of Dacian continuity. In a notably balanced presentation, he brings the indigenous and colonizing elements face to face. Let us not therefore be offended if the blood of the Dacians turns out to be mixed into our nationality. We are Daco-Romans, but more Roman than Dacian!
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Decebalus may stand beside him, but in general Trajan is preferred, defining the founding moment par excellence as that of the conquest of Dacia by the Romans. On the occasion of the inauguration of the Romanian Athenaeum in February , Alexandru Odobescu gave an erudite lecture in which he set out to underline the relationship between the new building in Bucharest and circular-domed Roman buildings; the Athenaeum thus symbolized the Roman origin of those who had erected it.
The fresco in the great circular hall was to present first of all the barbarism of prehistoric times, then the Daco—Roman wars and the triumph of Rome. He will shine in this place, like the sun at noon. By this time the major role of the Dacians in the Romanian synthesis was recognized and, as we shall see, sometimes even exaggerated. And yet, faithful to a persistent tradition, the founding scene presented by Costin Petrescu completely ignores Decebalus.
We see only the victorious Trajan contemplating the Dacian disaster. Apollodorus of Damascus likewise appears, a more representative symbolic figure than Decebalus, in that the bridge which he built united Dacia with the rest of the empire. The mixed origin of the Romanian people is not, however, ignored; it is illustrated by the idyll of a Dacian woman and a Roman legionary. The man is of course Roman; it is he who will give the offspring their name and legitimacy.
The work has only two illustrations. Between their barbarian monarchy and the Roman imperial insignia the choice was self-evident.